Trump again sides with agriculture in CA water wars

from Dan WaltersCalMatters

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Since the start of his foray into presidential politics a decade ago, Donald Trump has obsessed over California’s water management, often embroiling himself in decades-long conflicts over how the precious commodity should be divided.

During his first stint as president, Trump was heavily influenced by the Westlands Water District, a huge agricultural water agency in the San Joaquin Valley that sought more irrigation water for itself and other farm interests.

That relationship led to a highly controversial contract that guaranteed Westlands up to 1 million acre-feet of water each year from the federal Central Valley Project, cementing the district’s supply situation. Lacking water rights, Westlands has historically depended on temporary contracts to meet member demands.

The new treaty angered environmental groups because threatened by declining flows through the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta for wildlife habitat. The groups sued and won decisions against the contract in the trial and appellate courts.

After Trump returned to the White House in January, he immediately picked up where he left off by ordering federal water officials to maximize supplies in California.

He also complained that a water shortage for Southern California was a factor in the rapid spread of deadly wildfires in Los Angeles County, arguing that the state’s efforts to protect “an essentially useless fish called smelt” were misguided.

“Governor Gavin Newscomb refused to sign his proposed water restoration proclamation, which would have allowed millions of gallons of water, from excess rain and snowmelt from the north, to flow daily into many parts of California, including the areas currently burning in an almost apocalyptic manner,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social social media site.

Newsom’s office denied the claim, saying, “There is no such thing as a water recovery statement — it’s pure fiction.”

Meanwhile, Trump’s executive order forced the Bureau of Reclamation to change how it manages the Central Valley Project, a complex of reservoirs — including Lake Shasta — and canals that capture runoff from the Northern California mountains and supply water agencies in the Sacramento and San Joaquin valleys.

Last week, the desk announced an operational modification it would increase annual water supplies by 130,000 to 180,000 acre-feet from the Central Valley Project and another 120,000 to 220,000 from the State Water Project, the latter being generated primarily from Oroville Dam on the Feather River. The two projects share management of the Sacramento River and its tributaries.

“This updated operating plan reflects our commitment to use the best available science to increase water supplies while protecting the environment and honoring the legacy of the Central Valley Project’s 90 years of service,” Interior Secretary Doug Burgum said in a statement.

The announcement drew backlash, both for and against, that reflected the state’s long-standing battles over water allocation — praise from Westlands and other agricultural water agencies that face shrinking supplies due to regulation of groundwater use and condemnation from state officials and environmental groups.

“These operational improvements reflect a thoughtful, data-informed approach that strengthens water availability for growers while upholding California’s commitment to protecting the environment,” Westlands said in a statement.

Newsom spokeswoman Tara Gallegos had another take: “The Trump administration is putting politics over people — serving big donors instead of doing what’s right for Californians. As usual, the emperor has been left without clothes, pushing for an outcome that ignores science and undermines our ability to protect water supplies for people, farms and the environment.”

So here we are again, another chapter in the water war it began when California became a state 175 years ago. It will likely head to the courts and likely outlast not only Newsom’s governorship, but Trump’s presidency as well.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and is republished under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives license.