The indictment reveals a hidden world of political agents


from Dan WaltersCalMatters

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Lobbyists and other visitors gather in the state Capitol Rotunda during the end of the session in Sacramento on September 12, 2025. Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMatters

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Most Californians probably see the Capitol as a place where governors, legislators and other public officials gather to conduct public business. This is true, at least at first glance.

Elected officials come and go, but the Capitol has a permanent substructure of men and women who do the real, if often hidden, business of retail politics. Those in the “community,” as some call it, constantly circulate among its three pillars—public payroll staff, lobbyists for interest groups, and political campaign managers.

It is not unusual for someone to have wallets in all three. And as the revolving door opens and closes, it’s hard to know when and where one role ends and another begins, or even if there really is a difference.

Dana Williamson is a typical type. And her arrest last week on federal criminal charges opens a window into the secret world of California’s professional political operatives.

The 23-count indictment alleges that Williamson — who was chief of staff to Gov. Gavin Newsom until his sudden resignation a year ago — conspired with two other figures to siphon money from a passive political campaign fund maintained by Xavier Becerra, a former congressman, attorney general and member of the Biden administration’s cabinet.

Williamson is also accused of falsifying documents to justify a federal business loan in the COVID-19 era, lying to FBI agents and falsely claiming income tax deductions as business expenses — for lavish vacations and purchases of expensive designer goods.

The two men who were charged with Williamson, Sean McCluskey, Becerra’s former chief deputy at the California Department of Justice, and lobbyist Greg Campbell have pleaded guilty. But Williamson insists she is innocent.

It’s the most spicy scandal in the Capitol since the FBI’s undercover bribery investigation, dubbed “Shrimpgate,” erupted 37 years ago and sent some lawmakers and lobbyists to jail.

Among the Capitol’s power players, Williamson stood near the top, working for three governors, lobbying for various interest groups and running gauge campaigns. She is known for her profane, take-no-prisoners style.

After Williamson was arrested, the question for many Capitol residents was whether the case would reflect unfavorably on Becerra, who is running for governor, and Newsom, who is apparently, if not officially, running for president.

Becerra is a victim, but may face questions about his judgment as he has apparently been let go by those he hired.

Newsom’s office says Williamson resigned a year ago after telling him she was under investigation. At the time, he praised her as a dedicated public servant.

If there’s anything about the case that could hurt Newsom, or at least give political rivals some ammunition, it’s what happened shortly after Williamson became the governor’s top aide in 2023. According to the indictment, she used her position to mediate a pending state discrimination lawsuit against one of her lobbying clients, Activision Blizzard, a Santa Monica video game company, and then lied to FBI agents about the case.

In 2022, Janet Whipper, general counsel for the Department of Fair Employment and Housing, which brought the case against Activision, was fired. Her assistant, Melanie Proctor, resigned in protest, citing pressure from the governor’s office to settle the case.

Proctor wrote in a public memo that the governor’s office has “repeatedly requested advance notice of litigation strategy and next steps in litigation” in the case and the intervention “mimics the interests of counsel for Activision.”

The Williamson scandal could be a one-off if her lawyer negotiates a plea deal. Or it could drag on if she insists on a lawsuit and the dirty laundry is exposed for all to see, perhaps revealing even more disturbing episodes of political behind-the-scenes maneuvering.

This article was originally published on CalMatters and is republished under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives license.

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